Universal 1268:
- Original
- Hierarchy of quantifiers:
each > every > all > most > many > several > some (+NPPl) > a few
(‘>’ means ‘greater tendency toward higher scope’)
- Standardized
- Hierarchy of quantifiers:
each > every > all > most > many > several > some (+NPPl) > a few
(‘>’ means ‘greater tendency toward higher scope’)
- Keywords
- quantifier, scope
- Domain
- semantics
- Type
- implicational hierarchy
- Status
- achronic
- Quality
- statistical
- Basis
- 14 languages surveyed in Ioup 1975
- Source
- Ioup 1975: 42
- Counterexamples
1. Cf. #1273.2. Ioup claims that relative linear ordering at the surface level has little to do with the determination of quantifier scope. The inherent properties of quantifiers (i.e., different quantifiers have differing probabilities of acquiring highest scope) and grammatical functions, both those at the deep and those at the surface levels, are among the relevant factors that determine the possible interpretations.