Universal 1614:
- Original
- If a language has grammatical agreement [see Comments for terminology], it is with just the A.
- Standardized
- IF person agreement of the verb is of the grammatical type, THEN it is with just the transitive subject.
- Keywords
- agreement, person
- Domain
- inflection, syntax
- Type
- implication
- Status
- achronic
- Quality
- absolute
- Basis
- 272 languages sample; see Siewierska 1999: 250-251
- Source
- Siewierska 1999: 238
- Counterexamples
Siewierska’s tripartite typology of person agreement markers: 1. ANAPHORIC agreement markers are markers which are in complementary distribution with free nominal or pronominal arguments. E.g. Macushi (Carib): a. t-ekîn era’ma-’pî paaka esa-’ya REFL-pet:ABS see-PAST cow owner-ERG ‘The owner of the cow saw his own pet’; b. i-koneka-’pî-i-ya 3SG-make-PAST-3SG-ERG ‘He made it’. 2. AMBIGUOUS agreement markers are markers which occur obligatorily both in the presence and absence of free nominal and pronominal arguments. E.g. Tauya (Trans-New Guinea): a. fena?-ni fanu-Ø nen-yau-a-?a woman-ERG man-ABS 3PL-see 3SG-IND ‘The woman saw the men’; b. nen-yau-a-?a 3PL-see-3SG-IND ‘She/he saw them’. 3. GRAMMATICAL agreement markers are markers which, like ambiguous markers, are obligatory, but, unlike, ambiguous or anaphoric markers, must necessarily be accompanied by overt nominal or pronominal arguments. E.g. Dutch: a. Piet zie-t Kees elke dag Piet see-2/3SG Kees every day ‘Piet sees Kees every day’; b. *(Hij) zie-t Kees elke dag he see-2/3SG Kees every day ‘He see Kees every day’.