Universals Archive

A database of proposed crosslinguistic laws and tendencies in grammar across the world’s languages. 2,029 published entries.

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543 entries · page 7 of 11
# Standardized / Original Domain Type Keywords
1076 Syllabification across word boundaries is likelier when stress is non-demarcative than when it is demarcative.
prosodic phonology implication stress, syllabification, word boundary
1077 Syllabification across a word boundary may be less likely in a language with initial stress than in a language with final stress. prosodic phonology implication stress, syllabification, word boundary
1078 IF accent (word or phrase?) is based on pitch/tone, THEN accent is initial.
IF accent is based on duration, THEN accent is final.
prosodic phonology implication accent, tone, pitch, syllable, rhythm
1080 Aspiration occurs most frequently after voiceless stops. phonology unconditional aspiration, stop, voice
1081 IF there are voiced stops with “murmured” aspiration, THEN there are most likely normal voiced aspirates. phonology implication aspiration, stop, voice
1082 In languages with distinctive aspiration, when aspiration is phonemic, it is often more marked than when it is merely allophonic. phonology implication aspiration, stop
1083 Aspiration tends to be stronger in initial and/or pre-tonic position antevocalically. phonology implication aspiration, stop
1084 Duration of aspiration varies according to place of articulation: k > t > p. phonology implicational hierarchy aspiration, place of articulation
1085 Where contrastive aspiration is neutralized before liquids and nasals, the occurring phone is not aspirated or if released not to the same degree of phonemic aspiration. phonology implication aspiration, liquid, nasal
1088 IF there is not a full six-position stop paradigm (/p, t, k, b, d, g/), THEN the gaps are most likely to occur at /g/, then /p/, followed by /d/ and finally /b/. phonology no genuine implication; rather: provided that stop, paradigm
1089 IF there is a voicing contrast in stops, THEN /t/ and /k/ are present. phonology implication stop, voice
1090 IF a low vowel in nasalized, THEN it is raised. phonology implication vowel, nasalization
1091 The general tendency for a cluster of consonant and nasal is either to (i) retain the nasality (by weakening or deleting the consonant), or (ii) to lose the nasality (when the preceding consonant is stronger than the nasal). phonology unconditional consonant cluster, nasal
1092 IF a nasal system has more than two place of articulation contrasts, THEN it will probably have a palatal or velar nasal, or both. phonology implication nasal, consonant, palatal, velar
1093 Nearly all languages have contrasting labial and dental nasals. phonology unconditional nasal, consonant, labial, dental
1094 IF there are any place of articulation contrasts in a nasal stop system, THEN there are at least as many place of articulation contrasts in the oral stop system. phonology implication nasal, oral, stop
1095 IF there are n stop and affricate positions, THEN there will not be more than n nasal positions. phonology implication nasal, oral, stop, affricate
1096 Nasal stop systems always have voiced members. phonology unconditional nasal, stop
1097 IF there is a contrast in glottal feature, length, or other secondary articulation, THEN that feature is also contrastive in the oral stop system (but not necessarily the fricative system). phonology implication glottal, oral, stop
1098 Nasal consonants tend to share place of articulation properties with stop systems, and glottal features, syllabicity, and accent bearing with liquids. phonology unconditional nasal, consonant, stop, liquid
1100 (holistic) Type A vs. Type B
phonology, morphology, syntax mutual implication nasal vowel, syllable, order, attributive, adjective, noun, prefix, suffix, preposition, postposition, serial verb, number, compounding, consonant, agreement, subject
1101 IF there is a high number of vowel distinctions which are perceptually close to each other, THEN the addition of distinctive vowel nasalization creates an unstable system leading to elimination of distinctively nasal vowels or reducing the number of oral vowels (which is rare). phonology no genuine implication; rather: provided that nasal, vowel, nasalization
1102 IF there are no consonant clusters, THEN the position of minimum contrast is word-final. phonology implication consonant cluster
1103 IF there are nasal vowels, THEN there are at least three, one of which is always a low vowel [ã]. phonology implication nasal, vowel
1163 Indefinite articles are generally short; that is, they never have more than two syllables. phonology, syntax unconditional indefinite article
1240 IF there are initial or final clusters, THEN there will be medial clusters as well. phonology implication consonant cluster
1241 IF there is uniform syllable division, THEN there is no VC.V division. phonology implication syllable structure
1242 IF there are final consonants, THEN there is no uniform V.CCV division of two-segment clusters. phonology implication syllable structure, consonant cluster
1243 Word-Terminal Condition: IF an intersyllabic sequence is divisible into occurring word-initial and word-final clusters, THEN the perceived boundary does not fall between non-occurring clusters. phonology no genuine implication; rather: provided that syllable, consonant cluster
1244 IF stops are the only final word margin, THEN they will be glottal stops. phonology no genuine implication; rather: provided that word boundary
1245 IF there are no initial consonantal clusters, THEN there is no V.CCCV division of two-segment clusters. phonology implication syllable structure, consonantal cluster
1246 The likelihood of initial clusters is greater for languages with final consonants than for languages without final consonants, even greater for languages with final clusters.

The likelihood for final clustering is greater for languages with initial clusters than for languages without.
phonology unconditional consonant cluster
1247 The loss of all a language’s initial vowels (or prothesis of a consonant before them) is significantly less likely than a language with no initial vowels acquiring them by consonant loss or vowel prothesis. phonology implication initial vowel, consonant
1248 The loss of intervocalic consonants is a more frequently occurring process than loss of initial consonants; hiatus producing more intervocalic loss is less frequent but probably still more frequent than initial loss. phonology unconditional consonant, hiatus
1249 The complete elimination of a language’s initial vowels, whether by loss or by consonant problems, is less likely than the complete elimination of a language’s sequences of syllable nuclei. phonology unconditional syllable structure, consonant, vowel
1250 IF syllables containing sequences of n consonants are to be found as syllabic types, THEN sequences of n-1 consonants are also to be found in the corresponding position (prevocalic or post vocalic) except that CV → V ... [and VC → V] ... do not hold [V(C) → CVC]. phonology implication syllable structure, consonant, vowel
1251 IF tone spreading takes place from a mid tone into a following low, THEN tone spreading also takes place from a high tone into a following low tone. prosodic phonology implication tone, tone spreading
1253 The more to the left on the hierarchy a consonant is, the greater is its tone-raising effect.
The more to the right a consonant is, the greater is its tone-lowering effect:

implosive > voiceless aspirated > voiceless unaspirated > sonant > voiced obstruent > breathy
prosodic phonology implicational hierarchy consonant, tone, raising, lowering, hierarchy
1254 Sonants tend to participate in consonant gradation much more than other phonemes. phonology implication consonant gradation
1255 IF consonant gradation plays a role in the grammar, THEN it serves the function to identify nouns. phonology, syntax implication consonant gradation
1256 Front consonants are less prone to develop in accordance with consonant gradation than back consonants. phonology implication consonant gradation
1257 Anterior consonants are less likely to participate in consonant gradation than posterior consonants. phonology implication consonant gradation
1258 Labiovelar stops are less likely to participate in consonant gradation than other stops of the same series. phonology implication consonant gradation
1259 The less sonorous a vowel (or class of vowels), the more prone it will be to assimilate; and conversely, the more sonorous it is, the more resistant it will be to assimilation. phonology implication assimilation, vowel harmony, sonority
1260 High vowels tend to assimilate more readily and earlier than low vowels. phonology implication assimilation, vowel harmony
1261 IF there is assimilation of low vowels, THEN there is assimilation of high vowels. phonology implication assimilation, vowel harmony, height
1262 Unstressed vowels are more likely to assimilate than stressed vowels. phonology implication assimilation, vowel harmony, stress
1263 IF an otherwise harmonizing unstressed vowel becomes stressed due to intonational factors, THEN it can no longer harmonize. phonology no genuine implication; rather: provided that assimilation, vowel harmony, stress, intonation
1264 The less the phonetic distance between opposing members of potential vowel grades, the more prone they will be to harmonize. phonology implication assimilation, vowel harmony, vowel grade
1265 IF there is assimilation of vowels with high tone, THEN there will be assimilation of vowels with low tone. phonology implication assimilation, vowel harmony, tone
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